// tAI // Onze natuur, of de politiek van de gelatenheid

onze natuur

[text and image credits: Gaston Meskens for The Arts Institute]

[text written on the occasion of the show ‘Images and colors’ of Stijn Cole with Galerie Van de Weghe]

Onze natuur, of de politiek van de gelatenheid.

Vandaag is Darwin multi-inzetbaar. Hij wordt er bij gehaald om verdachte religieuze standpunten onderuit te halen, maar ook om ons eraan te herinneren dat we als mens niet al te stoer moeten doen in onze relatie met de natuur. We staan niet boven de natuur maar maken er deel van uit, en als we die relatie verstoren worden we daar simpelweg zelf slachtoffer van.

Met alle aandacht die Darwin krijgt zouden we Herbert Spencer nog vergeten. De bekende uitdrukking ‘survival of the fittest’ komt namelijk van hem, en het was Darwin die ze overnam in de vijfde editie van zijn Origin of Species. Maar Spencer was een filosoof die Darwin las met een bedenkelijke bedoeling: hij wou het idee van ‘natuurlijke selectie’ toepassen op zijn economische, sociale en zelfs ethische theorieën. Spencer’s ambitie was de ontwikkeling van een allesomvattende evolutieleer die niet alleen de fysieke natuurlijke wereld beschrijft, maar ook het wat, hoe en waarom van mens en maatschappij. Die ruime blik is op zich niet controversieel, maar Spencer was een soort hybride positivist. Hij geloofde dat niet alleen de natuur, maar ook alles wat ons mens maakt werkt volgens de logische wetten van de mechanica en de wiskunde. En hij was hybride omdat hij op het toppunt van zijn carrière ook het ‘rationele geloof’ in een transcendente niet-ingrijpende god proclameerde. Die combinatie van deïsme en positivisme maakte hem populair in een moderne tijd waarin wetenschap beloofde ons algemeen praktisch welzijn te gaan verzekeren, maar er blijkbaar toch niet direct in slaagde om ons onbehagen rond de vragen des levens weg te nemen.

Het denken over totaalsystemen die niet alleen de samenhang van mens en natuur verklaren maar ook ons bestaan betekenis en zin moeten geven is even oud als de intelligente reflecterende mens zelf. In de moderniteit van de vorige eeuw werden ze systematischer uitgewerkt, maar niet noodzakelijk altijd rationeel wetenschappelijk. Want ook de moderniteit kende haar tegenbewegingen, hetzij via spiritualiteit, hetzij via kunst, en dikwijls via een combinatie van de twee.

Hou Spencer even in gedachten, want dit verhaal neemt nu een andere invalshoek. Het schoolvoorbeeld van de ideologie van het geheel van mens en natuur, gedragen door kunst en spiritualiteit, is waarschijnlijk wel het Bauhaus. Johannes Itten maakte deel uit van de originele kerngroep van de Bauhaus school en was ook een systeem- en totaaldenker. Als aanhanger van de Mazdaznan leer kon hij echter niet van koud mechanistisch positivisme beschuldigd worden. Mazdazdan was een religie die voorhield dat de aarde zou moeten hersteld worden als één grote tuin waarin de mensheid zou kunnen samenwerken en converseren met god. De religie bouwt voort op de oude religieuze filosofie van Zarathustra, een visie die stelt dat alles in feite een strijd is tussen twee tegengestelde oerkrachten: de verhelderende wijsheid en de destructieve geest; een filosofie die zoals gekend ook Nietzsche inspireerde. Die strijd had voor Itten echter niets te maken met een survival of the fittest. Itten geloofde in het unieke en in de kracht van elke mens en ook dat die via individuele meditatie en creatieve samenwerking tot uiting konden komen. In zijn kleurenleer stelde hij ook dat elke mens, voorbij sentimentele en persoonlijke voorkeuren, objectief in staat is om sets van kleuren te associeren met de vier seizoenen. Dit was voor hem een bewijs voor onze diepe verbondenheid en harmonie met de natuur. Maar Bauhaus voorzitter Walter Gropius was eerder geïnteresseerd in massaproductie ten dienste van de esthetische emancipatie van het volk. Hij zag geen heil in mystiek of in het stimuleren van individuele artistieke expressie. Itten werd bijgevolg met kleurenleer en al weggestuurd van de school.

Spencer nam uiteindelijk afstand van het idee van de transcendente god en concentreerde zich op zijn positivistisch wereldbeeld, en Itten concentreerde zich dan maar op onderwijs in kunst en ambacht en uiteindelijk op zijn eigen schilderkunst. In functie van het modernisme was de beoogde harmonie van Spencer pragmatisch maar pervers, en die van Itten spiritueel maar blijkbaar inefficient.

En Darwin? Die wordt vandaag vooral misbruikt. Darwin leerde ons iets over hoe we evolueren, maar zei wijselijk niets over waar we vandaan komen. En toch gebruiken wetenschappers en spiritisten hem nog steeds om aan te tonen dat de ander ongelijk heeft. Vandaag bestaan tegengestelde visies op totaalsystemen comfortabel naast elkaar, en de ideologie van het pluralisme en de tolerantie bouwt niet zozeer op respect voor de visie van de ander, maar dient vooral om die van zichzelf te beschermen. Dat geldt ook voor onze relatie met de natuur. Wetenschappelijke en spirituele goeroes lopen elkaar niet voor de voeten, maar geen van beide kan de natuur en de mens redden. Ze kunnen het niet omdat ze de melancholie van onze relatie met onze natuur niet kunnen uitdrukken. De natuur sparen is onszelf sparen, maar die motivatie vereist gevoel voor esthetiek, en kan dus nooit zuiver rationeel zijn. En die esthetiek is melancholisch, want wat we als mens ook doen, steeds opnieuw zal de natuur het van ons overnemen. Eensgezinde gelatenheid is dus deel van onze verantwoordelijkheid, en als houding nog veel moeilijker te vertalen in politieke maatregelen dan zelfbescherming.

Onze natuur, of de kunst van de terughoudendheid.

In ‘Images & Colors’ toont Stijn Cole samenstellingen van tekeningen, foto’s en kleurenschema’s. Als iemand ooit op het idee zou komen om zijn werk op te stellen in een didactisch-wetenschappelijke tentoonstelling over natuurbehoud, dan zouden de bezoekers op het eerste zicht kunnen denken dat hij een wetenschapper is die gesofistikeerde analyses van vegetatie en landschap verricht. Als ze hun tijd zouden nemen om beter te kijken zouden ze echter voelen dat er iets niet klopt. Zijn ‘displays’ bevatten geen duidelijke vaststellingen, conclusies of aanbevelingen. Maar net daarom zouden ze in die vreemde setting op hun plaats zijn. Hun analytische terughoudendheid zou namelijk als voorbeeld kunnen dienen voor al die te zelfzekere ‘echte’ wetenschappelijke ratios over onze relatie met de natuur. Het werk van Stijn Cole zou ook stiekem in een tentoonstelling over het Bauhaus kunnen binnengesmokkeld worden. Zijn ‘kleurenleer’ verwijst echter niet naar een totaalharmonie, maar naar het door tijd en complexiteit onvermijdelijk gefragmenteerde van de waarneming van de habitat rondom ons. Of hij het nu wil of niet, Stijn Cole toont wat wetenschap en spiritualiteit niet kunnen:  voorbij de ratio van natuurexploitatie en natuurbehoud zal de relatie van de mens met zijn habitat altijd melancholisch zijn. Wetenschap, politiek en ethiek van natuurbehoud zijn waardeloos zonder de esthetisch-melancholische blik.

Gaston Meskens

VN Klimaatconferentie, Warschau, 18 November 2013.

[Link to Stijn Cole, Galerie Van De Weghe]

// tPhC // Discussion text – The Right to Be Responsible – New York

the right to be responsible

Discussion text published on the occasion of the Post-2015, Millennium Development Goals and Sustainable Development Goals events, United Nations General Assembly, New York, September 2013

(Dutch version: read here)

Since last year, I moderate a discussion about human rights among an international network of NGO’s. The discussion is part of an initiative that was taken on the occasion of the United Nations world summit on sustainable development as an answer to the lack of fundamental political attention to the importance of human rights as a criterion for sustainable development[1].  More than one year after Rio+20 and on the occasion of the opening week of the United Nations General Assembly, it is time to look back on that discussion and to look forward to how human rights will be taken up in the post Rio+20 process. Here in New York, there’s more than the case of Syria or Iran on the agenda. Politicians, the private sector, scientists and NGO’s also gathered to debate a policy process for sustainable development that should replace the millennium development goals initiative from 2015 on. A focus shift from concrete goals to a ‘vague’ process that aims ‘to care for sustainable development’ is not necessarily a negative move. It may also offer an opportunity to reflect on a new vision on human rights: a vision that would not only have the potential to effect well-being, environmental protection and fair markets, but that would also complicate a simply passing on of responsibilities from one to another. In this short text, I can only sketch the idea. I invite you to reflect on it and provide feedback.

The societal challenges are complex: people have different visions on what should happen, but also on what actually the problems are. Not only is the knowledge that can be used to reason about these problems ‘coloured’ by uncertainties and unknowns, we also have to accept that, even if we all would see a problem the same way, then opinions on solutions can still be different. Therefore, in light (or darkness) of the complex, the uncertain and the unknown, the only principle that remains is the principle that every human being would need to have the equal right to contribute to making sense of ‘what is’ and ‘what ought to be’. The right to be responsible in the interest of sustainable development and humanitarian well-being translates as a joint engagement to create possibilities for every human to be responsible, and thus as a care for participative democracy, self-critical policy supportive research and accessible and pluralist basic and advanced education. Intellectual solidarity as a synergy of care for intellectual emancipation (rights) and intellectual confrontation (responsibilities) will make the weaker more resilient and actively responsible, and will confront the powerful (the company, the nation state, the cultural guru) with their rationales used to preserve their own power positions.

The right to be responsible can, as principle, as well inspire the way we locally live together everyday as it can instruct markets and politics at the global level. To illustrate this, I sketch (although too brief) three examples of a different kind. (1) There is nothing wrong with expressing a religious or cultural belief through a specific ‘dress code’, but in a culture that prescribes more stringent codes of behaviour for women than for men, a woman’s ‘right to be responsible’ is limited, which implies f.i. that she cannot freely choose for herself to wear a headscarf or not. (2) There is nothing criminal about burning coal, oil or gas for energy production. But in the climate change debate, now blocked by a north-south stalemate and national protectionism, the right to be responsible would need to be passed on to those who produce and consume the energy: the different sectors (energy, agriculture, transport, industry) and the citizen. (3) There is nothing wrong in principle with thinking in terms of economic profit. But the current seeds politics of Monsanto deprives the local farmer of the right to be responsible for sustainable food.

This vision inspires the discussion text I drafted for the dialogue on human rights within the NGO network. The (apparently) radical point of departure did appeal to many, but also disturbed many others. Critiques went from ‘intellectually imperialist’ over ‘too academic’ to ‘plain naïve’, with the additional claim that there are more urgent issues to tackle, being there climate change, poverty and the financial crisis. It is true that these problems need action that cannot wait until a new era of enlightenment has come. On the other hand, we understand that sustainable development is as much about tackling misuse of power, poverty and disordered socio-economic systems now as it is about providing humans with capacities to stand stronger against power and to take care of themselves in these socio-economic systems in the future. Therefore, in the darkness of complexity and uncertainty and in light of pluralism and tolerance, the idea is that the principle of ‘the right to be responsible’ for every human being would be the only meaningful point of departure to speak of human rights today. Meaningful, as the principle inspires concrete change in how we organise democracy, scientific research and education, but also because it cannot be misused by politics or the market. The ‘right to food’ can still be strategically incorporated in the oppressive and exploiting seeds politics of Monsanto, while the ‘right to have a political voice’ can still be strategically interpreted by populist and authoritarian politicians as giving citizens the right to elect a politician who then, from a detached position, can speak in their place, instead of as the right to real participation in concrete cases of societal interest.

Meanwhile, it remains difficult to put human rights at the centre of attention of the political agenda, especially because it becomes more and more clear that the millennium development goals will not be met. Rather than motivating concrete action, the MDG numbers and deadlines have stirred political and economic actors to take position and strengthen the ratio of their own stake. An agenda that should have set off deliberations on transition paths ended up as a work plan of negotiating excuses of why we would not get there. Advancing from the principle of the equal ‘human right to be responsible’, human rights need central attention in global sustainable development dialogues and negotiations, not only in the interest of a livable earth and a fair global market, but also because it would create global and local possibilities to jointly reflect on what we find important in daily life. Also as a resistance to the fixation on ‘green’ economic growth as the so-called motor for sustainable development and humanitarian well-being, people here in New York and all over the world cooperate to bring human rights from the periphery to the centre of political attention. Join us and share your comments and thoughts with us.

Gaston Meskens, New York, 24 September 2013

Read more about the project The Possibility of Global Governance at http://www.the-possibility-of-global-governance.net/.

//tMT // Jo Seminck in the Mono Theatre over “Ayn Rand – Atlas Shrugged, het verborgen kapitalistisch manifest”

insights-03

Op 8 juni 2013 sprak Jo Seminck over “Ayn Rand – Atlas Shrugged, het verborgen kapitalistisch manifest”

De filosoof Jo Seminck verwerpt het neoliberalisme maar werd platonisch verliefd op het hoofdpersonage van ‘Atlas Shrugged’ (1957, Ayn Rand). Hij vertelde over hoe hij deze verwarring te boven kwam en besprak de maatschappelijke relevantie van deze in Europa nauwelijks gekende, maar na de vier evangelisten meest gelezen auteur in de Verenigde Staten.

Documents and insights in the archives of The Mono Theatre

// tPhC // Lecture ‘The Trouble with Justification’ – Buenos Aires

NRA Seminar

 

Invited Lecture – The Trouble with Justification – Getting Straight on the Science and Politics of Nuclear Energy

done at the Seminar “Nuclear Policy in Argentina and the World”, Buenos Aires, 25 April 2013

The way nuclear energy technology ‘escapes’ a deliberate justification approach as an energy technology on a transnational level is today in sharp contrast with the way fossil fuel energy technologies are subject of global negotiations driven by the doom of climate change. The claim put forward in this lecture is that this ‘denial’ is a symptom of a contemporary settled ‘comfort of polarisation’ around the use of nuclear energy technology that is deeply rooted in the organisational structures of politics, science and informed civil society. The lecture argues for the need to develop a new rationale that aims to seek societal trust ‘by method instead of proof’, taking into account that the outcome of such a justification process might as well be an acceptance or a rejection of the technology. It sketches what this ‘deliberate-political’ approach would be in theory and practice, briefly hits at two contemporary myths that would relativize the need for this approach and concludes with a ‘pragmatic’ list of elements of an advanced framework for deliberation on nuclear energy technology and on energy in general.

[…]

See more about the Seminar here.

 

// tPhC // The PhɅAct Collective at the World Social Forum (Tunis)

wsf banner

A conversation on

The human rights principle for sustainable development governance

when: World Social Forum 2013, 27 March 2013, 13h00 – 15h30
where: Room TD4 at the University Campus El Manar, Tunis.

See the event flyer here. Visit the official website of the World Social Forum here.

[…]

What if …

in face of the urgent but complex challenges we need to tackle today, we would understand human rights as providing ‘the right to be responsible‘ for every human? Would this way of looking at social justice and at fair and effective governance provide a way to meaningfully discuss rights and responsibilities for authorities, institutions, private sector actors and individual citizens?

The conversation, seen as ‘an exercise in global ethics – thinking’ will try to map and discuss rights and responsibilities relevant to specific themes of sustainable development (food, water, energy, health,  education, …). The event is meant to be an open conversation inspired by your views on the issues, whatever your background or interest is.

More information here.

 

// tPhC // First workshop on Philosophical Activism – University of Ghent

phactivism presentation

What is philosophical activism? What makes philosophy philosophical activism and how does it relate to the general notion of philosophy? If the ‘love of wisdom’ motivates, as it is said, a critical systematic approach and a reliance on rational argument, under what conditions is this critical stance to be considered an activist stance? How does an activist stance affect the rationality and credibility of arguments?  And why, in general, should philosophy (not) be considered activism as such? Answering these questions implies not only reflection on the subject of the philosopher’s argumentation, but also on his motivation therefor and on the character of the fields and places where he seeks rapprochement and confrontation…

[…]

Philosophical activism is a concept I introduced in the context of my research on global governance. Some time ago, I proposed the Centre for Ethics and Value Inquiry of the University of Ghent to organise a series of workshops under the title of ‘Philosophical Activism’. The event that kicked-off this series was held on the 15th of February 2013. See the programme and the presentations here.

[…]

Read more at http://www.the-possibility-of-global-governance.net.

 

// tPhC // The human rights principle for sustainable development governance – Tokyo

title tokyo 2013 conference

[Paper presented at the Earth Systems Governance Tokyo Conference ‘Complex Architectures, Multiple Agents’, 28 – 31 January 2013, United Nations University Headquarters, Tokyo, Japan]

Summary

Sustainable development is impossible without a continuous care for the implementation of human rights as made explicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the human rights-related principles of the Rio and Rio+20 Declarations. However, a full implementation of human rights would not automatically lead to sustainable development. As an exercise in coordinating complex systems of interlinked socio-economic processes in a dynamic of increasing globalisation, fair and effective sustainable development governance will always be troubled by cognitive complexity and moral pluralism. That is: even if we would all agree on the knowledge base of a sustainable development related problem, then opinions could still differ about the acceptability of solutions. The natural and social sciences can inform us about the character of options, they cannot always clarify the choice to make.

Advancing from this rationale, the paper argues that, added to the fields of human rights concerning a fair socio-economic ‘organisation’ of our society, fair and effective sustainable development governance implies the right for every human ‘to contribute to making sense of what is at stake’. In practice, this social justice based concern for human intellectual capacity building translates as a concern for free and pluralist advanced education, inclusive and transdisciplinary knowledge generation and inclusive, deliberative multi-level decision making.

The paper concludes with the argumentation that a rights-based approach to intellectual capacity building, supporting ‘the right to be responsible’ for every human, is the only way to enable the possibility of global sustainable development governance in a complex and pluralist world.

See the introduction and the paper here.

// tPhC // Lecture ‘A politics of confrontation for sustainable development governance’, Free University of Berlin

This paper was presented on 5 October 2012 at the 2012 Conference on the Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change at the Free University of Berlin. It proposes an alternative qualitative vision on sustainable development that could inspire a global ethics for societal development and intergenerational accountability and, at the same time, expose specific responsibilities for policy, the private sector, science and civil society. The vantage point would be viewing sustainable development as a convergence of interests on three ‘policy levels’:

Normative integration: a ‘meta-level’ that starts from an interpretation of the concept of sustainable development as a meta-norm under which every human socio-economic activity would need to ‘fit’;

Pragmatic assemblage: a ‘medium level’ that concentrates on the ‘building blocks’ of sustainable development and their interrelation;

Pragmatic assimilation: a ‘ground level’ that focuses on how and why specific actors formulate own responsibilities and (eventually) take corresponding action;

The motivation is that, whatever our stake or concern is as citizens, communities, companies or institutions, we all have a joint interest in making these levels ‘work’. The challenge for sustainable development governance is then to ‘succesfully connect’ the levels, as this would unveil specific requirements for the way we make sense about our behaviour and rationalise it in view of the totality. Today, the political view is that ‘we know what (science tells us) to do’ and that governance is about organising our ‘good intentions’ into a coherent totality (see ‘the green economy’). The general assumption is that this is a complex but feasible exercise ‘if everybody shows political will’. This contribution argues that this approach is wrong, as this still provides ways for actors to escape specific responsibilities that are crucial for sustainable development. The paper elaborates on why and how the three-level picture of sustainable development governance would also make explicit these responsibilities and sketch required institutional approaches for a ‘politics of confrontation’ that would set this view in practice.

Read on at the research website of the ‘The Possibility of Global Governance’ project.

// tAI // tAI Show ‘Welcome to the AnteRoom’ – opening 07 Sept 2012, 9pm, Antwerp

The AnteRoom is the lobby of The Arts Institute, located at Kattenberg 93 in Borgerhout – Antwerp. The Arts Institute is the public department of the Institute of Idle Curiosity for Elements of Seduction. As the research labs of the institute are not open to the public, the AnteRoom functions also as their front reception and show space. Abandoned research artefacts from the labs are continuously on view, and currently also preparations for a next project in cooperation with Extra City, Antwerp.

De AnteRoom is de lobby van The Arts Institute, Kattenberg 93, Borgerhout – Antwerpen. The Arts Institute is het publieke departement van het Institute of Idle Curiosity for Elements of Seduction. Omdat de onderzoekslabo’s van het instituut niet toegankelijk zijn voor het publiek fungeert The AnteRoom ook als hun ontvangst- en tentoonstellingsruimte. Er worden permanent afgedankte onderzoeksobjecten getoond, en momenteel ook de voorbereidingen voor een volgend project in samenwerking met Extra City.

Location: The AnteRoom, Kattenberg 93, 2140 Borgerhout

Official opening of The AnteRoom: Friday 7 September 2012, 21h00 – 24h00

This show runs simultaneous with (and as part of the programme of) the Contemporary Art festival BHART#1 in Borgerhout – Antwerp (see www.bhart.be)

Opening hours:
– Saturday 8 September 2012: 13h00 – 19h00
– Sunday 9 September 2012: 13h00 – 19h00
– Friday 14 September 2012: 13h00 – 17h00
– Saturday 15 September 2012: 13h00 – 17h00

Visit by appointment: +32 473 97 50 72

// tPhC // Philosophical activism on human rights during the Rio+20 Conference on Sustainable Development, Rio de Janeiro

My philosophical research is primarily concerned with a human rights approach to intellectual capacity building for sustainable development governance. As I believe that any philosophy that makes normative statements about the socio-political reality also needs to be brought towards and tested in that socio-political reality, I find it also important to explore and establish the link between academic normative philosophical research and deliberative discursive interaction with civil society in global policy processes such as those facillitated by the United Nations.

From out of that motivation, during the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio de Janeiro (Rio+20 – see the official website), I engaged in a number of activities related to human rights. Read on at the research website ‘The Possibility of Global Governance’.